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By Anakwa Dwamena
Several months before the arrival of the coronavirus in Brazil this spring, a string of man-made tragedies struck Maria Marques Martins dos Santos. On November 12, dos Santos, a mother of 3 children in their thirties, who is five feet tall and crowned with curly brown hair, was at her home in Favelos angeles do Amor, Sao Paulo. Just after midnight, his 14-year-old son, Lucas, went out to buy soft drinks and cookies and didn’t come back. Three days in Los Angeles, his drowned body was discovered in an area near Los Angeles, after witnesses said it was an assembly with the army police. Four days in Los Angeles, when Dos Santos went to the police station to spot police officers who had attacked her son, police arrested her and told her there had been an outside arrest warrant. Eleven days in Los Angeles, on November 30, handcuffed and dressed as a thief, he watched in pain as his son’s rotten frame was buried in a sealed coffin.
Over the next four months, with dos Santos in the trap, the coronavirus arrived in Brazil, first affecting the rich and then spread to neighborhoods and deficient criminals. Sao Paulo prisons, which house about four percent of Brazil’s general criminal population, are known for their loss of physical care. Dos Santos’ circle of relatives feared she would be sentenced to death. Acircular in the world, the coronavirus pandemic has exposed and exacerbated racial elegance and inequalities. In Brazil, where the six richest men possess a similar wealth as the poorest component of the population, the disproportionate burden of the crisis on blacks and deficient maroons has defied the country’s popular and deep-seated illusion of being an equal and raceless society. Largely through blacks and blacks imprisoned, Brazil has, over the past decade, become the third largest population of criminals and criminals in the world, surpassing Russia. During this period, the country’s criminal population doubled. Brazil’s thieves are raising gcirculars for the disease: the water is rationed; the loss of health care at the site suggests that other sick Americans are constantly moving between public hospitals and criminals; and overcrowding is endemic: on average, Brazilian criminals exceed their capacity by sixty-six percent. For dos Santos and the other seven hundred thousand detainees in Brazil, social isolation is impossible.
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Surprisingly, thirty consistent with the penny of those incarcerated in Brazil have not been convicted of a crime. About a third of the prisoners of the rustic are bars for drug trafficking, and most of them are black mothers like two Saints. Recognizing the threat of the pandemic, the National Council of Justice, a judicial review body of the central authority, praised in March for judges to release prisoners who have not committed violent crimes and who are members of the endangered group station: pregnant women, nursing mothers and mothers or legal guardians for adolescents until the age of twelve. “In Sao Paulo, In Sao Paulo, there are 11.28 other Americans with no criminal record who have the right to serve minor sentences under this direction,” Marcelo Novaes, a lawyer for dos Santos, told me. But the judges, who are the only officials who can reduce sentences, have been reluctant to do so: according to the information station issued by the National Council of Justice, thirty-five thousand prisoners are eligible for release, and of the twenty-five thousand who have asked that judges have released only seven hundred so far. Although coronavirus has spread to Brazil, rustic has remained inconsistent at the time when one of the highest varieties of infections and deaths of large numbers of apples in the world, the United States. In their prisons and prisons, some starters write farewell letters to their families as a precaution.
“What we are looking for to evade is a massacre,” Luciana Zaffalon, a Brazilian corrupt justice reform activist, told me. Zaffalon classified Platshape’s ads for Brazil’s Drug Policy, one of the group stations that urge judges to release vulnerable prisoners. In 2006, a law was passed that allowed user clemency and instituted more challenging measures for distributors. In response, prosecutors and judges have moved to qualify other humans with small amounts of cocaine or crack as traffickers, punishable by sentences ranging from five to fifteen years. Advocates of the restructuring of corrupt justice say that judges have also begun to accuse deficient black women, black best friends, with traffickers because few may have defense lawyers of their own and are therefore less difficult to convict than wealthy defendants. As a result, between 2000 and 2016, the population of imprisoned women increased through their most virtuous friend seven hundred percent, achieving approximately forty-four thousand inmates. Zaffalon, who is the general mediator of the workplace of the public defender of the state of Sao Paulo, accused the government of freeing other Americans from a crime enforcement mentality among judges, disproportionately affecting poor blacks and browns. “Almaximum in all corrupt times involves blacks and other deficient Americans who don’t have the coins to rent a non-public lawyer to appeal,” he said.
Corruption has long affected Brazil’s judicial system. Most of the justice budget is true to the salaries of judges, many of whom are older white men graduating from the country’s elite universities. The Just Project, an apple fighting for greater judicial transparency, found that one hundred percent of those who judge their best friend end up in the richest segment of the population, 0.08 percent, which, according to the group, is transparent sign of systemic racism. corruption.
Since March, the ban on visits to offenders has prevented families from bringing food to inpeers, a common practice in a counterattack in which large apple intruders, due to severe underinvestment of the criminal system, are malnourished. Andrelina Amélia Ferreira, who classified the notices of the motion Ms do Cureere (Mothers of the incarcerated), told me that she had heard stories of people eating chicken teeth out of desperation and hunger. “Even if they get sick,” Ferreira said, “they have the right to die with their families and not alone in prison.” For the more than eight years, Ferreira has used his deception as his headquarters and has begged twenty or thirty women a day. She told me she feared for the lives of thieves in some way she had never done before. “I’m a woguy who grew up in a community effortlessly, as far as the periphery is concerned, and I can say that I’ve never been more scared than I am now,” she told me. “We have no idea who’s going to be alive, who’s not.”
On Tuesday, after laughing at the threat of coronavirus infection for months, Brazil’s president, Jair Bolsonaro, announced that he had tested positive for the virus. Since the arrival of the pandemic in Brazil, only Bolsonaro has created chaos: it has minimized its severity, despite overwhelming evidence of its danger; publicly defied social isolation by walking among crowds and shaking hands, and encouraging others to do so; fought and fired a health minister and undermined the efforts of the country’s other leaders. When asked about the growing variety of times in Sao Paulo, in an interview on March 27, Bolsonaro replied: “I’m sorry, other Americans are going to die. They’re going to die. That’s life. logical a vehicle factory, traffic deaths. »
As infection rates have increased in Brazil, a clearer picture of life has emerged that the president considers disposable. At the birth of the epidemic, the greatest variety of times was in wealthy neighborhoods, the only angels with access to evidence. Over time, the staff of the necropolis of Vilos angeles Formosa, the largest cemetery in Latin America, saw an acceleration of deaths among citizens on the outskirts of the city. Now, velotown in angelic and referral-consistent favelos is the official best friend ten times more consistent than the average for anything else in the country. More than one component of Brazil’s era is in its southeastern region, where another ten million Americans live in homes that are not connected to sewer formulas, and about seven million do not have access to running water. Inequality in Brazil’s fitness care formula can also be extreme. 60% of the I.C.U. The beds of the state of Sao Paulo are located in 3 of its richest regions, and only 25% of the national population of Angelestion has its own fitness insurance or can do so. The resulting disparity in race-consistent coronavirus mortality rates is glos angelesring: blos angelescks in Sao Paulo are sixty-two% more likely to die from COVID-1nine than whites.
Raquel Rolnik, a professor of urban plans at the University of Sao Paulo and beyond a UN special rapporteur on wise enough employment, told me that the influence of the pandemic was exacerbated because “the virus came in dismantled.” Since the 1960s, the price of employment in Brazil has exceeded the average worker’s means. “The preference of the mantra is to be beyond home,” Rolnik said, but “when it comes to Brazil, being past home, you’d rather start by having a house.” When he took office, Bolsonaro dissolved the Minischeck out of the cities, which had invested seven hundred and eighty billion reais in employment for a decade, adding much of the social employment for low-income sources of currency in Brazilians. “Now it’s nature again, ” said Rolnik.
“It’s complex, the president walks the streets denying the disease and sneezing over other Americans and holding hands,” Ferreira told me. “So, for other Americans living in the favelas, it provides the message of doing the same.” The governor of Sao Paulo, Joo Doria, told The Associated Press: “We are fighting the coronavirus and the Bolsonaro virus.”
Doria and her counter-component in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Wilson Witzel, were praised for resisting Bolsonaro in the coronavirus, but were criticized for their prestige doing nothing while police killed many blacks and poor people. Rio experienced a 23% design in police killings in the first five months of 2019, and recent studies by the Institute for Applied Economic Research monitor that between 2007 and 2017, the design of black murders in Brazil multiplied tenfold. Faster than the population. In Sao Paulo, murders through army police are on the rise, according to Globo, a leading Brazilian news organization, despite a drop in the crime rate applicable to the pandemic. Witzel’s devastating police policy in Rio, which allows officials to fire rockets at communities from helicopters, killed about 1,800 more Americans last year, the maximum logical number ever recorded in the state.
Past pandemics, such as the 1918 flu, have also seen a loss of state support to support the poor and black. What is unique in Brazil’s history, however, is “having a president who opposes science,” Lilia Schwarcz, a Brazilian historian and professor at Princeton University, told me, raising the assumption among Bolsonaro’s relatives that the land is flat. Bolsonaro’s reluctance to push isolation and his willingness to let the vulnerable die, Rolnik added, is emblematic of his broader philosophy “today in favor of death and the practice of necropolitics,” a connection with the Cameroonian philosopher Achille Mbembe, who argued that states assert their sovereignty by imposing pain and death on populations to be like others.
In her book “Brazil: A Biography,” which she co-wrote with Heloisa M. Starling, Schwarcz states: “The joy of violence and pain is repeated, dispersed and persists in modern Brazilian society.” It is a connection to the long history of slavery in Brazil, which took place just below the component of slaves brought to the Americas and, in 1888, was the last country in the region to abolish it. Brazilian historians have long described it as a “false abolition” as it has maintained the country’s economic, political and social structures based on slavery. A century passed before a new constitutional charter in 1988 produced affirmative action formulas and other government efforts to continue the best friendship and equity. Bolsonaro rejects the lifestyles of racism formulated in Brazil and, since his election, has tried to contradict government formulas designed to support marginalized groups. Schwarcz argues that the government’s loss of willingness to interfere to become a component of the poor citizens of black favelas and indigenous peoples is a continuation of an era beyond in the country’s region. The Mabig Bolsonaro apple enthusiastic that the profits of more than thirty years for black Brazilians, as a quota formula designed to give more black academics access to education, deprive other Brazilians of the opportunities to which they are entitled. His supporters profess to me, Schwarcz tells me, “a nostalgia for a hitale and an afterlife that never existed.”
Recently, dos Santos was released from the Santana Women’s Penitentiary after an approved sentence ruled that her conviction was unlawful. Due to the almost lack of evidence at the facility and the general categorization of some deaths in scammers as caused by “acute respiratory infections”, it is difficult to mention how the apple giants actually died in Santana due to COVID-19. Eleven guards in the penitentiary tested positive and one died. As a low source of coins in the periphery’s own citizens, custodians are also patients with unequivocal access to testing and physical care.
Throughout his imprisonment and due to his release, dos Santos has not had to undergo the tests. He told me he didn’t think he had the virus, but that he felt “something in his nose, like a flu. Before his incarceration, he worked ten to twelve hours a day, along with his sister, collecting and delivering urine. samples to hospitals for analysis. I made three hundred and twenty reais, about sixty dollars, a month. Today, its only source of coins is the currencies of self-help companies. “Thanks to donations, we survived.” he told me.
According to the government’s biggest official friend, only 63 people in Brazilian prisons died of coronavirus, and some other 535 nine prisoners tested positive. The numbers are probably much higher, given the incredibly low rate of test bars. Novaes, the lawyer for dos Santos, said the country’s criminal law and police formula are two of the mechanisms that wealthy Brazilians use to maintain the country’s inequality. An expanding variety of Brazil’s other most vulnerable Americans are caught up in a formula of mass incarceration, which reform advocates say the best friend ends up in even more poverty and inequality.
When I asked dos Santos what the love of being a Brazilian citizen was at the time, she said she felt abandoned by the state and aggrieved by him. The police had taken “my happiness, my son and my life.” She criticized the formula of justice for hunting to silence her. As for Bolsonaro, dos Santos does not prefer him to die, but he expects him to feel “the effects of COVID-19, as it is never a “small flu”, as he has said in a position”. She told me she was determined to do everything she could to apologise for her son’s justice and save him from “another statistic of black dead children.”
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